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Jeux basés sur le navigateur comme trembler en direct youtube. Hp g42 br bios. Bordererlands 2 pantalons patché glitch moonshot. Hp wlan drucker einrichten android. Mac mail el capitan ne fonctionne pas. Western financial interests saw it as a tremendous opportunity to tap into the enormous value of a collapsing empire. The critical thing is that the creation of value, the justification of capitalism, was not what was going on.

Rather, the expropriation of existing value was the name of the game. Bankers loved it, analysts misunderstood it and the Russians were crushed by it. It was this kind of chaos into which Putin stepped when he became president, and which he has slowly, inexorably, been bringing to heel for several years. Of all the institutions in the world, the KGB alone had the clearest idea of the condition of the Soviet Union.

Andropov realized in the early s that the Soviet economy was failing and that, with economic failure, it would collapse. Andropov knew that the exploitation of Western innovation had always been vital to the Soviet economy. The KGB had been tasked with economic and technical espionage in the West. Rather than developing their own technology, in many instances, the Soviets innovated by stealing Western technology via the KGB, essentially using the KGB as an research and development system.

Andropov understood just how badly the Soviet Union needed this innovation and how inefficient the Soviet kleptocracy was. Andropov engineered a new concept. If the Soviet Union was to survive, it had to forge a new relationship with the West. The regime needed not only Western technology, but also Western-style management systems and, above all, Western capital.


Andropov realized that so long as the Soviet Union was perceived as a geopolitical threat to the West and, particularly, to the United States, this transfer was not going to take place. Therefore, the Soviet Union had to shift its global strategy and stop threatening Western geopolitical interests.

The Andropov doctrine argued that the Soviet Union could not survive if it did not end, or at least mitigate, the Cold War. Furthermore, if it was to entice Western investment and utilize that investment efficiently, it needed to do two things.

First, there had to be a restructuring of the Soviet economy perestroika. Second, the Soviet system had to be opened to accept innovation glasnost. He was replaced by a nonentity, Konstantin Chernenko, who also died after a short time in office. Gorbachev was clearly perceived by the West as a reformer, which he certainly was. But less clear to the West were his motives for reform.


He was in favor of glasnost and perestroika, but not because he rejected the Soviet system. Rather, Gorbachev embraced these because, like the KGB, he was desperately trying to save the system. Gorbachev pursued the core vision of Yuri Andropov — and by the time he took over, he was the last hope for that vision. His task was to end the Cold War and trade geopolitical concessions for economic relations with the West. It was a well-thought-out policy, but it was ultimately a desperate one — and it failed.

In conceding Central Europe, allowing it to break away without Soviet resistance, Gorbachev lost control of the entire empire, and it collapsed. At that point, the economic restructuring went out of control, and openness became the cover for chaos — with the rising oligarchs and others looting the state for personal gain.

But one thing remained: The KGB, both as an institution and as a group of individuals, continued to operate.

Saving the System: A Motive for Murder? Like Andropov, Putin was committed to the restructuring of the Soviet Union in order to save it. He was a foot soldier in that process. Putin and his FSB faction realized in the late s that, however lucrative the economic opening process might have been for some, the net effect on Russia was catastrophic. Unlike the oligarchs, many of whom were indifferent to the fate of Russia, Putin understood that the path they were on would only lead to another revolution — one even more catastrophic than the first.

Outside of Moscow and St. Petersburg, there was hunger and desperation. The conditions for disaster were all there. Putin also realized that Russia had not reaped the sought-after payoff with its loss of prestige and power in the world.

Russia had traded geopolitics but had not gotten sufficient benefits in return. This was driven home during the Kosovo crisis, when the United States treated fundamental Russian interests in the Balkans with indifference and contempt. It was clear to Putin by then that Boris Yeltsin had to go.


And go he did, with Putin taking over. Putin is a creation of Andropov. In his bones, he believes in the need for a close economic relationship with the West.

But his motives are not those of the oligarchs, and certainly not those of the West. His goal, like that of the KGB, is the preservation and reconstruction of the Russian state. For Putin, perestroika and glasnost were tactical necessities that caused a strategic disaster.

He came into office with the intention of reversing that disaster.

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He continued to believe in the need for openness and restructuring, but only as a means toward the end of Russian power, not as an end in itself. For Putin, the only solution to Russian chaos was the reassertion of Russian value. The state was the center of Russian society, and the intelligence apparatus was the center of the Russian state. Thus, Putin embarked on a new, slowly implemented policy.